Saturday, July 22, 2017

The Past was Another Country/Is the United States Finished?

The Past was Another Country/Is the United States Finished?
The British historian and journalist Martin Meredith published a book entitled The Past is Another Country in 1979. It chronicled the dying days of white settler colonialism in Rhodesia as guerrilla movements representing the black majority were grinding their way toward power. That settler past was indeed a different place from what Africans had in mind for the future. White Rhodesians didn’t want to live in the “new country” Africans had in mind and they worked assiduously in the 1960s and 70s to prevent it from coming about. Many might argue that given the catastrophic outcomes of the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe today, whites may have been right to fear the new country’s arrival. But let’s save that discussion (which I’m perfectly happy to have) for another time.
Today I want to use to metaphor “the past is another country” to talk about the United States in the era of Trump. The U.S. is often talked about as a relatively new nation. This is usually stated by white commentators speaking from a Eurocentric perspective relating it to the “older nations” of Europe (or sometimes Asia). They rightly observe that the U.S. is the first modern state to break away from European colonialism, and in that sense, it is one of the newer nations.
But in the modern world which has emerged since the Enlightenment, the U.S. is one of the older nations. In their book The Right Nation John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge point out that the U.S. has the world’s oldest continuously operating written constitution. It is the world’s oldest republic (government without hereditary rulers). The Democratic Party originating in Andrew Jackson’s calls for universal white male suffrage in the 1820s is the oldest popularly-based political party in the world.
So America is an old modern nation. It has navigated the course of government by the people for more than two centuries undergirded by the values of individual liberty and equality before the law. Liberty gave us freedom of association and speech. But unencumbered by a communal past, it also gave us an unflagging faith in free markets and a nearly unbridled capitalism. The value of equality in a society founded on conquest, slavery and patriarchy bequeathed to us successive generations of struggle to approximate that great ideal.
But an undying belief in capitalism and tenacious commitment to equality do not sit easily at the same table. Elsewhere I’ve written that the U.S. is not one nation, but two. Individualist economic conservatism and cultural conservatism based in white supremacy and Christianity are juxtaposed to equality before the law, multiculturalism and secularism. More than two centuries of unending political struggle have made us grow weary of each other. All white men hardly had time to savor the achievement of their own right to vote, before women were clamoring for the same right, and blacks and whites began the struggle to end slavery. Then came a bloody war that ended slavery and forced the resentful former slave states back into the republic. Soon however, they would be permitted to reconfigure white supremacy in a Jim Crow system, which by the way, was imposed upon all people of color in differing ways and degrees until the great transformations of the 1960s. Those transformations included positionality in the public discourse for women’s rights, lesbian and gay rights, environmentalism, and a critique of militarism and imperialism.
That progressive nationalism forced its way onto the stage, but was met by the backlash of Reaganism in the 1980s, Gingrich’s “Contract on America” in the 90s, and finally, a resurgent imperialism under Bush junior. Progressives, to our credit, always pushed back. Finally, there was Obama who was black, but not really as far left as many of us would have liked. But by that time demographers were telling us that by mid-century the country would be majority-minority; and the opinion data was suggesting an attendant tilt to the left. But while the Obama generation weren’t voting in 2010, the right took control of statehouses, gerrymandered the hell out of legislative and congressional districts and began passing voter I.D. laws designed to keep people of color away from the polls.
Then in 2016, we stunningly, got the fascist Trump. The left is rightfully traumatized by this turn of events. My (few) conservative associates tell me that many of them were equally in shock when Obama got elected in 2008. How could they have been so fearful of so mainstream a politician as Obama? The answer must be because he was black, and folks on the right had not thought that mid-century would arrive so fast!
So the right does not want to live in the same kind of country that we do, and we don’t want to live in the land of Trump. The good news is, the left is pushing back hard. But the right has shown its skill at push back over the generations. Aided by the internet and the man in the White House, the public discourse has never been as vitriolic as it is now. We have become thoroughly exhausted with each other. The past was another country. It was a country that the right, under the mantle of “make America great again,” would like to bring back; but one which the left cannot allow to return. Where doth lie the political center in this depressing societal landscape?

I started to name this essay “The United States is Finished” … Is it???

Tuesday, July 4, 2017

What Happens When Black Rage Becomes Uncontrollable?

Now that my intensive summer course (on civil rights by the way) is over I have time to reflect upon recent events in the ongoing drama over race and law enforcement in this country.

On June 14th a gunman opened fire on Republican Congress members practicing for the annual softball game against Democrats. Congressman Steve Scalise, was critically wounded, but the gunman was was killed by two African American Capitol police officers. In quick succession over the next two weeks, we saw police officers in the Twin Cities and Milwaukee, one white and one Latino, acquitted in the killings of unarmed black men. And in Cincinnati we saw a second mistrial in another case where a university policeman killed an another unarmed black man.

Two intellectuals of African descent responded on social media to these events. Johnny Williams, a sociologist at Trinity College in Connecticutt, responded to an online article in which the anonymous author disapproved of the actions of the Capitol police saying:

     “If you see them (whites) drowning. If you see them in a burning building. If they are
     bleeding out in an emergency room. If the ground is crumbling beneath them. If they
     are in a park and they turn their weapons on each other: do nothing,” ... Let Them
      Fucking Die!"

So Williams didn't actually say "let them die" himself. He did however, offer that he was ...

     “fed the fuck up with self-identified ‘white’s’ daily violence directed at immigrants,
     Muslims, and sexual and racially oppressed people," (and) ...  “the time is now to
     confront these inhuman assholes and end this now.”

After his post went viral in conservative social media, Williams receive death threats and has since taken his family into hiding. He has also been placed on Administrative leave by the college pending investigations.

Then there is the case of Marlon James, Jamaican professor of English at MacAlester College, and winner of the prestigious Booker Prize for English literature. In an online article entitled "Smaller, Smaller and Smaller," James shares his confusion following the recent acquittals and the mistrial.

    " Do I kneel and get shot? Do I reach for my ID and get shot? Do I say I’m an English
     teacher and get shot? Do I tell them everything I am about to do, and get shot? Do I
     assume that seven of them will still feel threatened by one of me, and get shot? ...
     (Finally) Do I fold my arms and squeeze myself into smaller and get shot?"

James offered us an almost traumatic befuddlement over what black men can do to be safe. He comes across as very reasonable. In contrast, Williams' suggestion that blacks should do nothing when they see whites in life-threatening danger, seems harsh and even inhumane. But when Williams implores blacks not to protect those whose system does not protect them, and James wonders what he can do to secure his black body, they both call attention to what can be done to dismantle institutional racism in law enforcement in this country.

Ta-Nehishi Coates makes a similar to Williams near the end of his Between the World and Me. He calls white people "dreamers," because they believe in the American Dream and can't see how institutions built to assure it systematically oppress black people. Coates also advises his son not to be concerned about white people, but to worry about securing his black body.

White anti-racist educator Robin DiAngelo has written a seminal training manual called What it Means to be White. She talks about active versus passive anti-racism. Average white people; the decent people who teach their kids to treat everyone the same and not see color are passive-anti-racist. They don't actively work to change our racist institutions, elect anti-racist politicians or call out racism when they see it in their day to day lives.

As jury after jury fails to convict black people being murdered by the men in blue, as they allow gross racialized inequities in school funding, as some white people systematically work to suppress the POC vote, and other whites sit back and allow it to happen, one cand see why Coates calls "yall" Dreamers, and Williams supports his kind of black passive humanism, when white folks are in danger. As a black university professor who has been teaching students to assertively work the system since Ferguson, I also wonder if I can continue to sell that argument?

This country is in trouble. I add my voice soon to the debate about the rest of what's wrong with America ... but for now, your thoughts?